Use the "back" button of your browser to return to the list of abstracts.
[PANEL] 0904 THE (RE-)MAKING OF THE STATE INTERNALLY AND INTERNATIONALLY AFTER 1991
MERESSA Tsehaye Gebrewahd, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Department of Political Science and Strategic Studies, Mekelle University and Director, Gebrehiwot Baykedagn Center for Strategic Studies, Ethiopia
YESHTILA Wondemeneh Bekele; HENOK Getachew; KALEAB Tadesse Sigatu
ELITES AND POWER STRUCTURES IN POST-1991 ETHIOPIA: THE MAKING AND REMAKING OF THE STATE [Abstract ID: 0904-01]
The political structure of the post-1991 Ethiopia has been significantly reconfigured. Many witnessed new trends of elite formations and political relations emerging based on identity. As the result, the rural elites dominate the political setup of the post -1991 Ethiopia. Consequently, the urban–rural elite cleavage, shaped by socio-economic differences, has increasingly become a fault-line of political settlement and competition for power in Ethiopia. The urban elites felt that they were marginalized and deprived access to the mainstream of the nation’s politics; hence the new structure of power is predominately occupied by rural elites who mainly originate from different ethnic groups. This article presents the power struggle (inclusion and polarization) between the rural and urban elites that significantly altered the post-1991 political order and the new state structure in Ethiopia. We employed for major variables such as: recruitment, integration, representation and power exercise in the analysis. The data used to support the presented findings were obtained from primary (interviews and survey questioner) and secondary sources (audio and visual documents, and literature). The findings show that political recruitment has been carried out based on identity and the rural ethno-elites seem to be dominating the state power by controlling all hierarchical official positions from the local to the federal government. The urban elite have lost access to and marginalized from the power structure. Thus their ability to articulate their interests and political demands substantially decreased. Consequently, the urban elite involves in wide spread political resistance against the new state structure.
ETHIOPIA AND AFRICAN UNION PEACE AND SECURITY COUNCIL [Abstract ID: 0904-03]
Ever since the inauguration of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) in 2004, the PSC has been charged with conflict prevention, management and resolution. Ethiopia has served as a member of the PSC for eight years with certain motivations and interest. Notwithstanding its involvement in continental peace and security architecture, relatively little analysis has been given to understanding how motivations and interest necessitated Ethiopia to join the AU’s standing decision making organ. This paper employs the rationalist and interpretive approaches to discerning Ethiopia’s membership in the PSC. The paper argues that Ethiopia has sought to join the PSC with the objectives of achieving “African solutions to African problems”; as well as regime-cum-state security.
MILITARY POWER AS FOREIGN POLICY INSTRUMENT: ETHIOPIA’S PEACEKEEPING ROLE IN THE HORN OF AFRICA [Abstract ID: 0904-04]
As of October 2017, Ethiopia sends 8,409 troops, police force and military experts to UN peacekeeping missions mostly in the Horn of Africa. This makes Ethiopia the biggest peacekeeping personal contributor in the world followed by India and Rwanda. Currently, Ethiopia sends contingent troops, police and military experts to Darfur, South Sudan, Abyei, Haiti and Mali. Ethiopia is also sending troops to African Union Mission in Somalia and Ethiopian National Defense Forces stationed bilaterally in Somalia which is outside Ethiopia’s contribution to AMISOM.In my presentations, I will examine the reasons why Ethiopia is sending troops to peacekeeping missions despite domestic security crises. I will analyse what is more than economic benefits for the army personals who are participating in foreign missions, which is related to Ethiopian foreign policy in the region. I argue Ethiopian hegemonic foreign policy especially in the area of security is essential for the region’s stability, most importantly in the regional conflict management, contributing peacekeeping forces in Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan. I will explain Ethiopia is not only leading as one of the world’s largest troop-contributing countries to UN peacekeeping but that it is also breaking new ground in influencing innovative international deployment and mandate development strategies.